Towards a Trade Union Freedom Bill
Tony Blair was right when he said that British labour law is “the most restrictive on trade unions in the western world.”
Workers and trade unions in the United Kingdom have fewer rights in relation to industrial action than elsewhere in Europe.
In fact they have less protection than they had 100 years ago at the time of the Trade Disputes Act 1906.
John Usher, legal officer for the United Campaign for the Repeal of Anti-Trade Union Laws, explains why the trade union movement is proposing a Trade Union Freedom Bill.
What does the Bill say?
The Bill takes the first tentative steps towards complying with international law and sets out to:
• protect workers taking lawful industrial action
• prevent employers from hiring replacement workers
• make it harder for employers to obtain injunctions
• allow solidarity action
• make industrial action ballots less complex
• simplify industrial action notices.
Why do workers need more protection?
The UN says that: “the common law approach [in UK law] recognising only the freedom to strike, and the concept that strike action constitutes a fundamental breach of contract justifying dismissal, is not consistent with protection of the right to strike.”
It also criticised the limited protection that workers have if they are sacked for going on strike. They can claim unfair dismissal, but that’s all.
The Trade Union Freedom Bill does not go as far as the international laws ratified by the UK, but would at least stop people from being sued and sacked by their employer for exercising a legal right.
It says that employers should not be able to sack workers for taking industrial action. And nor should they be able to disadvantage them in any other way.
Additionally, the Bill would strengthen unfair dismissal on union grounds to provide automatic reinstatement for workers sacked for having taken lawful industrial action.
Can employers hire strike breaking labour?
In 1996 the International Labour Organisation (ILO) said: “The hiring of workers to break a strike in a sector which cannot be regarded as an essential sector in the strict sense of the term, constitutes a serious violation of freedom of association.”
Hiring strike breakers is therefore a violation of Convention 87, which the UK has signed up to.
Other regulations in the UK say that agencies should not supply strike breakers. This does not apply if the agency does not (and could not) know that the original worker was on strike. The proposed Bill would extend those regulations by making it unlawful for employers to hire workers to break a strike.
Why are injunctions so easy to obtain here?
Both the ILO and the Council of Europe have condemned the ease with which the courts here grant interim injunctions to employers. The problem is that the law says employers only have to show that there is a “serious issue to be tried” later. The Bill will change that so the employer has to show they are more likely to win at trial than the union.
The law also says that judges have to “weigh the balance of convenience”. Needless to say, the “balance” is heavily weighted in favour of employers who can argue that their business would be damaged if they don’t obtain the interim injunction.
The Bill does not address this specific issue, but does provide some limit on the operation of the “balance of convenience” by denying employers an injunction if they don’t supply specific information within a time frame.
Will solidarity action not result in wildcat strikes?
Whatever the Government says, the answer is no. The ILO says that sympathetic strikes should be lawful as long as the primary strike is lawful.
The ILO has noted that sympathy strikes “are becoming increasingly frequent because of the move towards the concentration of enterprises, the globalisation of the economy and the delocalisation of work centres.” And, it could have added, contracting out and privatisation.
But, in the UK, all forms of solidarity action are unlawful. So the Bill proposes that a group of workers should have the freedom to take industrial action in support of another group who are on strike, but only in situations where there is a substantial connection between them.
One situation would be where the employer in the primary dispute and the employer subject to solidarity action are associated employers. A second is where a second employer is covering the work of the strikers. And the third is directed at the Gate Gourmet situation where a particular customer (or supplier) dominates the employer’s trade to such an extent that it can interfere in the employer’s relations with their employees, perhaps by actions resulting in a pay cut.
How can industrial action ballots be simplified?
International bodies also attack the UK’s industrial action balloting rules for being overly restrictive and complex.
The Bill proposes a modest but highly significant change in preventing legal action for trivial, technical or accidental breaches of the balloting provisions, which could have no effect on the outcome of the ballot.
In addition, the Bill proposes to remove the “bar” on industrial action where there has been a “prior call”, highlighted by the case of RMT -v- Midland Mainline in 2001. The union was told it could not rectify a prior unofficial call to take industrial action by repudiating the call and then conducting a proper ballot and serving the requisite notices.
In reality, notices of ballots are of little value to employers except for obtaining court injunctions to stop the industrial action. Employers know when there’s a dispute and a ballot in the offing. The Bill would scrap them.
How can industrial action notices be simplified?
The Bill also says that all the onerous formalities for giving notice of industrial action should be replaced by an obligation to give seven days notice to employers of when the industrial action will start, and reasonable information about those expected to take part.
What happens next?
Trade unionists and the politically active can help by sending motions to their union, political party branches and conferences. Ask your MP to sign up to an early day motion that supports the Bill.
Watch out for the lobby of Parliament in the autumn coinciding with the centenary of the Trade Disputes Act 1906. Let’s send out the message that we want our Government to stop flouting international law and let’s demand our human rights and freedoms for the 21st century.